The “Boris Tarasyuk” entry in Who’s Who in Ukraine is one of the largest. The twice-foreign minister is well known in Ukraine and many capitals the world over.
Tarasyuk received his initial education at the Kyiv Communications School. On graduation from the Kyiv National University, where he studied international relations and law, he made a brilliant diplomatic career - from an attache with the Foreign Ministry of the Ukrainian SSR to the Foreign Minister of independent Ukraine. Tarasyuk gained his first diplomatic experience abroad, working with the Ukrainian representation at the UN. In the mid-1990s he headed Ukraine’s embassy in the Benelux and mission to NATO. During his diplomatic service Tarasyuk scored several important points for Ukraine - from successfully rebuffing, through a UN resolution, Russia’s claims to Sevastopol, Crimea, to signing the NATO-Ukraine Distinctive Partnership Charter.
Tarasyuk had a clear idea of national interests and regarded membership in the EU and NATO among the priorities in Ukraine’s foreign and domestic policies. But in the twilight of the 20th century, the country’s advances on the international arena outdistanced its domestic progress. Its foreign policy could not be effective under the Kuchma regime. And it was Tarasyuk’s “excessive” activity in the Euro-Atlantic direction that led to his resignation in September 2000. On the one hand, Brussels grew tired of his insistent attempts to bring Kuchma’s Ukraine closer to NATO and Europe. On the other hand, his pro-Western moves irritated the Kremlin, and this factor was decisive.
Tarasyuk reiterated afterwards that he would keep away from the diplomatic service as long as Kuchma remained in office. He headed the Institute of Social Sciences and International Relations under the Interregional Personnel Management Academy, founded a non-governmental organization - the Institute of Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, and joined Viktor Pynzenyk’s Reforms and Order party. Rated ninth in the election roll of Yushchenko’s bloc Our Ukraine, he got an MP mandate in 2002.
Largely owing to Tarasyuk’s initiative, a new standing committee was set up in Parliament - the Committee on European Integration. Under his chairmanship the committee became a “sieve” to sift out draft bills that did not comply with European norms. The committee also became his new political bridgehead. Notably, unlike many other pro-Western activists, Tarasyuk did not only travel to Brussels, Paris, or Berlin. He also lectured in remote Ukrainian villages, understanding the importance of conveying the ideas of European integration to all Ukrainians.
On top of that, Tarasyuk still had the energy to lead the Popular Rukh [Movement] of Ukraine, which he headed in May 2002, two months after he joined it.
The 56-year-old Foreign Minister can hardly be called an “old-timer”. He is even more energetic than most of his younger colleagues.
So how will the “new” Foreign Minister Tarasyuk differ from the “old” one? - Obviously, now he knows all the reefs and currents within Parliament, and has more respect for independent experts. Hopefully, he will be more open to the press.
There are some nuances, though… It is known that Tarasyuk is disliked by many for his harsh and biting character, but is respected by politicians and diplomats.
Hopefully, Tarasyuk will treat his subordinates better than he did before. Foreign Ministry staffers have apprehensions about his return. Many still shudder, recalling how they had to stay in the office late into the night just because the Minister was still there. They remember the “black lists” of those who dared to leave before he did. They remember that even senior staffers who had urgent things to discuss with the Minister, were sometimes unable to get through to his office. Tarasyuk is not much of a manager, either. Rather, he is inclined to take personal charge of many things.
According to experts, it is important who will be Tarasyuk’s deputies. During his previous office, his bleak deputies tended to discolor his activity.
There is one more nuance. After Tymoshenko’s appointment as Prime Minister, Tarasyuk’s appointment as Foreign Minister became the second point through which Kyiv drew the straight line of its future relations with Moscow. The Kremlin has surely received the signal and will surely act accordingly. So the President must be aware of it and be ready for the Kremlin’s reaction.
Alexander DERGACHEV:
While appraising the potential of candidates for key positions in the new Ukrainian government, one should understand that they will have to deal with problems of a greater scale and complexity. The new ministers are not just supposed to prove effective where their predecessors failed. Their tasks have an entirely new format and a new scale.
So the tried and tested “old wolves” may not necessarily prove successful. As far as Boris Tarasyuk is concerned, he is certainly one of the strongest career diplomats. Once back to his familiar office, he is sure successfully to handle purely diplomatic issues, thanks to his old contacts and support among his counterparts in partner countries.
His contacts with Moscow will hardly be easy. But is there any government official who could serve and defend Ukraine’s national interests without spoiling relations with Moscow? The “Moscow problem” should be regarded separately.
There are some other difficulties in building a new foreign policy. Today Ukraine needs more than just a good diplomat. It needs an authoritative politician, and Tarasyuk is not quite up to that mark. He has only recently begun to gain political experience, and has hardly succeeded. He is not a public politician and not much open to people. He is likely to have a narrow view of his tasks, leaving the strategic decision-making up to other offices. Most probably, he will be a good executor rather than a source of initiative. Nevertheless, if he doesn’t shun competition and surrounds himself with qualified experts, he may succeed. He has to demonstrate an ability to reassess his own and his predecessors’ experience. He has to upgrade himself to be up to the country’s new foreign policy.
Alexander SUSHKO:
After several years of spinelessness, Ukrainian diplomacy is expecting a strong and authoritative leader. Now, with an education in public politics and opposition diplomacy, Boris Tarasyuk has greater weight than when he resigned in 2000. High hopes are pinned on Tarasyuk for the Foreign Ministry’s restored position in the executive hierarchy after the humiliating period of playing stunts for the Presidential Administration Office. Tarasyuk enjoys a high reputation in European and U.S. political and expert circles. The Kremlin dislikes him, but not more than it dislikes the new President or the new Prime Minister. His key tasks are to create a new brand of foreign policy, which will be open, consistent, and consonant with European values; to pursue an efficacious staff policy; and to build productive and complementary relationships with Vice Prime Minister for European Integration Oleg Rybachuk.
The latter task, according to many observers, may be rather problematic. It is no secret that Tarasyuk was after the post of Vice Prime Minister for European Integration and did everything he could to get it. Tarasyuk hates to share his powers with anyone, preferring to take over others’ authority. During his previous office he was at loggerheads with the SBU [Security Service]. He persistently rid his ministry of SBU proteges and secret agents and ignored them at embassies in foreign countries. Tarasyuk also demanded that trade and economic missions be subordinated to the Foreign Ministry.
Experts are worried lest the two ambitious men’s rivalry spark a conflict and create unnecessary difficulties on the country’s strategic way toward European integration. Such difficulties may subsequently harm Ukraine’s relations with the USA and Russia, as it will have to pay less attention to them.
However, there are grounds for cautious optimism: the wisdom of the two experienced politicians and their sincere desire to see Ukraine in the European Union will hopefully prevail over their personal ambitions.
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